Free Speech and the Difference Between Elected Officials and Ordinary Citizens
Yet another court decision discussed at the COGEL conference placed
First Amendment free speech rights far above the obligations of a
government official, employing a strict scrutiny approach where a simple due process (for statutory vagueness) approach would have been sufficient. This time the official is a member of the Sparks
(NV) city council, in fact, the same council member who successfully
sued to overturn an advisory opinion of the state ethics commission in
a case I carefully reviewed in <a href="http://www.cityethics.org/content/publics-right-public-interested-repre…
July blog post</a>.<br>
<br>
The decision is from the Supreme Court of Nevada in <a href="http://www.nevadajudiciary.us/index.php/advancedopinions/785-carrigan-v…; target="”_blank”">Carrigan
v. Commission of Ethics</a> (July 29, 2010). I'll refer to it as
<i>Carrigan I</i>, as opposed to the one <a href="http://www.cityethics.org/content/publics-right-public-interested-repre…; target="”_blank”">I've already discussed</a>, which was filed
second and which I'll refer to as <i>Carrigan II</i>.<br>
<br>
<i>Carrigan I</i> involves a censure by the state ethics commission due to
councilor Carrigan's failure to recuse himself from voting on a matter involving
a company for which his campaign manager worked. As in <i>Carrigan II</i>, the
campaign manager was not a family member or business associate, but
there is an unusual provision in the Nevada ethics code that requires
recusal where there is "any other commitment or relationship that is
substantially similar to a commitment or relationship described in
subparagraphs (1) to (4), inclusive, of this paragraph."<br>
<br>
<b>Balancing or Strict Scrutiny?</b><br>
Before the <i>Citizens United</i> decision, the district court in <i>Carrigan I</i> concluded, according to the Supreme Court,
that "the state has a strong interest in having an ethical government,
which outweighs a public officer’s and state employee’s protected free
speech voting right." In other words, it employed a balancing test.<br>
<br>
I don't even think a balancing test was necessary. I agree with Justice Pickering in her dissent to the state Supreme Court decision: "An elected official’s vote on a matter of public importance is first and foremost an act of governance."<br>
<br>
But the rest of the state Supreme Court turned to <i>Citizens United</i>, referring to it in its call for strict scrutiny instead of the district court's balancing. I
won't go through the strict scrutiny analysis here, because I just
described it this week in <a href="http://www.cityethics.org/content/scrutinizing-strict-scrutiny-governme…; target="”_blank”">my
blog post on the <i>Brinkman</i> decision</a> in Ohio.<br>
<br>
Applying a decision involving citizens' free speech in terms of campaign contributions to a case involving a public official faced with a possible conflict is irresponsible. Here is the first paragraph of Justice Pickering's dissent in <i>Carrigan I</i>:<ul>
Before today, no published decision has held that an elected local official engages in core political speech when he or she votes on an individual land use matter. Likewise, no published decision reviewing the ethical propriety of such a vote has subjected the applicable legislative prohibition against conflicts of interest to strict scrutiny or invalidated it on overbreadth grounds. Because I believe charting this course is both unprecedented and unwise, I respectfully dissent.</ul>
<b>Due Process</b><br>
I agree with the state Supreme Court majority that the Nevada provision is vague, and I believe that the ethics
commission in <i>Carrigan I</i> should not have censured the council member,
but that it was reasonable for the ethics commission to advise the same
council member not to vote (as it did in <i>Carrigan II</i>). But in her dissent, Justice Pickering makes a reasonable argument that the provision is not vague.<br>
<br>
To reach the conclusion that the provision is vague, it is not necessary to bring in the First
Amendment. Due process is more than sufficient to deal with the
vagueness of this provision. If it is to be struck, the provision should be struck on due process grounds.<br>
<br>
<b>A Balancing Test</b><br>
Even if one accepts that the First Amendment is relevant to this case (and I do not), there is an alternative to strict scrutiny in free speech cases, known as the Pickering
balancing test (no relation to the Justice who dissented in this case). The test is "based on the view that the state, as an
employer, has a stronger interest in regulating an employee’s speech
than in regulating the speech of the general public, in order to
promote efficiency in the public services it offers." The court in
<i>Carrigan I</i> says this only applies to government employees, not to
elected officials.<br>
<br>
That's reasonable, considering the basis for the
Pickering test, but that doesn't mean that the only alternative is
strict scrutiny. In a case where there is not this level of vagueness,
another balancing test would be more appropriate, a test that recognizes the obligations an
elected official has to put the public interest ahead of personal
interests.<br>
<br>
<b>Free Speech As a Form of Legislative Immunity</b><br>
Employing a strict scrutiny test opens up a Pandora's box. Effectively,
the free speech argument becomes a legislative immunity argument. If
you think I'm saying this just because legislative immunity is my
obsession, see how the <i>Carrigan I</i> decision refers to the same court's
Hardy decision applying legislative immunity (see <a href="http://www.cityethics.org/node/595" target="”_blank”">my blog post on the Hardy
decision</a>):<ul>
Recently, we recognized in [<i>Hardy</i>] that “voting on legislation is a
core legislative function.” Because voting is a core legislative
function, it follows that voting serves an important role in political
speech.</ul>
If core legislative functions, which are what is protected by legislative immunity, play an important role in political
speech, and a legislator's political speech is protected by the First
Amendment just like any other individual's political speech, then what, effectively, is the difference
between free political speech and legislative immunity arguments? Accepting Carrigan's argument, the difference is not a constitutional one as much as a strategic one. That is, local government officials, who do not have absolute legislative immunity (as do
federal and, at least where in the state constitution, state
officials), cannot demand strict scrutiny of statutes or ordinances that might be seen to interfere with their core legislative functions.<br>
<br>
If Carrigan had absolute legislative immunity, he wouldn't have
bothered with the First Amendment, or he would have relegated it to a
secondary argument. His lawyers were clever enough to find a way to
apply the <i>Hardy</i> legislative immunity decision, which involved a state
legislator, to local legislators via the First Amendment.<br>
<br>
<b>Looking Ahead</b><br>
The district court didn't fully accept this ploy, but the state Supreme Court
did. And now the case is going to the U.S. Supreme Court, despite the fact (or because?) the particular provision is both weak
and unusual, thus making the plaintiff's case easier in one sense, but the free speech argument unnecessary. Will the U.S. Supreme Court insist on
focusing on due process, and throwing out the free speech argument? Or, if it insists on accepting the free speech
argument, will it come up with a second balancing approach that takes
into account a local government official's obligations and the very
different nature of their free speech rights?<br>
<br>
Or will it ignore the raison d'être of local government ethics, treat
elected officials like ordinary citizens, and apply the strict scrutiny
approach, putting all its eggs in the <i>Citizens United</i> bread basket? Let's
hope not.<br>
<br>
I'd like to end with the last words of Justice Pickering's dissent:<ul>
[A]pplying First Amendment strict scrutiny and overbreadth precepts to invalidate state conflicts-of-interest laws that govern local governmental officials who vote is a mistake that I fear opens the door to much litigation and little good.</ul>
Robert Wechsler<br>
Director of Research-Retired, City Ethics<br>
<br>
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